Chapter 5 164 parent- and adolescent-driven effects were negative in sign. In other words, in these families, increases in psychological control predicted decreases in positive affect, which in turn predicted an increase in psychological control. A positive reinforcing cycle was present in 10 families (6.5%); thus, in these families, psychological control predicted increases in next-day positive affect, and vice versa. A small number of families showed inhibiting cycles: in 2.6%, psychological control predicted decreases in positive affect, which predicted increases in psychological control; in 1.3%, psychological control predicted increases in positive affect, which predicted decreases in psychological control. DISCUSSION An enduring inquiry in developmental science concerns whether parents act in response to the well-being of their adolescent child, or whether adolescent well-being is the direct result of parenting practices (Bell, 1968; Pardini, 2008). Although reciprocity in parenting and adolescent well-being is now widely-accepted (Pardini, 2008; Sameroff, 2010; Soenens & Vansteenkiste, 2020), questions persist about the extent to which reciprocity findings – based on group-level or average patterns – accurately reflect individual-level parent-adolescent dynamics (Hamaker, 2012; Molenaar, 2004). Therefore, in the current study, we examined whether different dyads demonstrate effects with different directions (i.e., reciprocal, parent-driven, adolescent-driven, or no effects; see Fig. 1) (Richters, 2021). To do so, we adopted a novel idiographic approach and investigated 159 Dutch families’ unique 100-day dynamics between perceived parenting and adolescent affective well-being. In line with our pre-registered hypothesis, different families (i.e., parent-adolescent dyads) demonstrated different directions of effects between perceived parenting (i.e., psychological control, behavioral control, autonomy support, and warmth) and adolescent affective well-being (both positive and negative) in everyday life. Whereas some families showed reciprocal day-to-day effects between dimensions of parenting and affective well-being, others showed only a parent-driven or an adolescent-driven effect, or no effects at all (for example, see Fig. 3). Importantly, even within the same family, the direction of effects did not generalize across associations among parenting and affective well-being dimensions. For instance, a family could demonstrate reciprocal effects between parental warmth and adolescent positive affect but a parent-driven effect between parental behavioral control and adolescent positive affect. Thus, although many developmental (Bronfenbrenner, 2005; Sameroff, 2010) and parenting theories (Soenens
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