Irene Jacobs

144 Chapter 3 Basil would have purposed his text for Euthymius’ feast-day, to be read in a church in (or near) Thessaloniki for which Basil served as a bishop.476 In that case we could imagine a mixed audience of the urban population with presumably other previous fellow-monks and pupils of Euthymius – like Basil himself – for example from Euthymius’ monastic foundation nearby Peristerai and other monastic connections (e.g., the monks who lived together with Euthymius at Mount Athos). We could also imagine that the bishop, in addition to reading it in a Thessalonian church, had sent the text (or copies) to the monastic community in which he himself received his training by Euthymius and possibly also to other monastic centres with a connection to Euthymius. All four surviving manuscripts originate from Athos.477 It is understandable why monastic communities at Athos were interested in copying the text: Euthymius is the earliest example for which a Life has survived celebrating a saint who would have resided at the holy mountain. However, the original text would presumably not have been written there, as the author was a bishop, not a monk living at Athos. Since the earliest manuscript containing the Life possibly dates from the tenth century, the hypothesis that Basil himself already sent (a copy of) his text to monastic communities, including to Athos, is appealing.478 Since the epilogue of the hagiography includes a plea to the saint to watch over Basil, it is moreover tempting to think that Basil would have appreciated his text being read out by others, such as the monks at Athos and Peristerai, repeating the plea for him every time the hagiography is read at the saint’s feast day. This brings us to another type of audience of the Life. That is, the saint himself. Another aim of Basil becomes apparent, namely to ask for supplication of the saint to God: Ἡμῖν μὲν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἀποχρώντως τόδε σοι προσανατέθειται τὸ ἐφύμνιον· σὺ δὲ ἡμᾶς ἐποπτεύοις ἄνωθεν, ὦ θεία καὶ ἱερὰ κεφαλή, καὶ ὡς ἀμέσως τανῦν προσομιλῶν θεῷ […] μέμνησο Βασιλείου τοῦ σοῦ, ἐκεῖνο θεὸν ἀντιδοῦναι ἡμῖν ἐξαιτούμενος, ὃ καὶ ἐν τῷ βίῳ περιὼν πολλάκις ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν καθικέτευσας, ἀξίως ἡμᾶς τῆς κλήσεως καὶ τοῦ ἐπαγγέλματος πολιτεύεσθαι.479 This eulogy, such as it is, has been my offering to you; may you watch over me from above, O divine and holy head, and since you now address God directly […], 476 We do have evidence of hagiographies being read at non-monastic church services, see the discussion at pp. 24-25 of the Introduction. 477 See Notes on the texts in Greenfield and Talbot (2016), pp. 643–644. 478 If this is the case, I would imagine that Basil did not send the text only to Athos, but also to other monastic centres related to Euthymius, particularly his monastery at Peristerai, because the narrative is quite elaborate about the foundation of a monastic community and the construction of the monastery church at Peristerai, whereas the episodes narrated on Athos focus mainly on Euthymius aiming to live with only a few (or preferably none) other fellow ascetics. When, according to the narrative, a monastic community grew at Athos, and the fellow monks came to perceive Euthymius as a spiritual authority, this is described in the narrative as disturbing Euthymius (cf. ch. 2). In a way, the monastic community at Athos as such (contrary to the place) receives a less flattering press and less detailed attention than the foundation at Peristerai, which is why I would assume that the monastic community at Athos might be one of the early recipients of the hagiography, but not the only one. 479 Life of Euthymius 39.

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